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by Thomas W. P Wong
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From One Brand of Politics to One Brand of Political Culture. Hong Kong: occasional paper n. 0. Hong Kong Institute of Asia-Pacific Studies, Chinese University of Hong Kong. Davis, Nancy J. and Robert Robinson. Their Brothers' Keepers? Orthodox Religionists, Modernists, and Economic Justice in Europe" American Journal of Sociology 104(6):1631-65. The Rise of the Network Society. Cambridge, Mass: Blackwell publishers.
Davies, One Brand of Politics Rekindled, Hong Kong Law Journal 7, 1 (1977): 44–84Google Scholar.
Wong, and Tai-lok Lui, From One Brand of Politics to One Brand of Political Culture, Hong Kong Institute of Asia-Pacific Studies Occasional Paper No. 10 (Hong Kong: Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1992): 28–30Google Scholar. Davies, One Brand of Politics Rekindled, Hong Kong Law Journal 7, 1 (1977): 44–84Google Scholar. Leung, Power and Politics: A Critical Analysis, in Social Issues in Hong Kong, ed.
The paper first thinks about the appropriateness of considering political parties as brands. Having identified the current situation, the future of political brands is consid-ered, and likely external pressures for change discussed. It then develops a theoretical explanation of parties as brands using a consumer/voter learning perspective. From this, the interaction between the leader, the party and policies are considered in terms of the overall political brand. In addressing these important branding issues, examples are provided, largely from the UK political system, though it is assumed the basic principles apply to all ‘first past the post’ western democratic party systems.
Personal political branding becomes an important element in political contestation under the new direct .
Personal political branding becomes an important element in political contestation under the new direct democracy in Indonesia. Personal political branding becomes an important element in political contestation under the new direct democracy in Indonesia.
Goldberg then explains how progressives have, over the years, inaccurately (for the most part) redefined Fascism to be associated with the right despite its origins on the left. Rather, he cautions the reader to beware of government that seeks to fix all your problems or tells you what you must give up for the common good. For fascists, nothing is outside the state. For classical liberals (not progressives), the impulse is for more of our lives to be conducted away from the state.
What is a political brand?: Justin Trudeau and the theory of political branding. What is a political brand?: Justin Trudeau and the theory of political branding. 1 Marketing theory is applied to identify insights about the Trudeau brand specifically and political branding generally.
Despite her many modern westernized institutions, including the legal, educational, commercial and business institutions, Hong Kong has a unique brand of Confucian values as its deep cultural infrastructure. Indeed, the current cultural scene is a manifestation of a strong Confucian tradition buffeted with British liberalism.
The Many Voices of Political Culture: Assessing Different Approaches But it seems to m e that his own book can be used to demonstrate a necessary and involuntary aspect of American kinship and a clear.
The Many Voices of Political Culture: Assessing Different Approaches. World Politics, Vol. 52, Issue. This paper re-examines previous formulations of the concept and proposes a theoretical synthesis. The analytical framework is derived from semiological theory, a branch of science specifically designed for the analysis of meanings. The central variable is the political symbol. But it seems to m e that his own book can be used to demonstrate a necessary and involuntary aspect of American kinship and a clear metaphorical association between this aspect and the voluntary aspects of kinship.
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